Mātauranga-ā-Whānau: Constructing a methodological approach centred on whānau pūrākau

INTRODUCTION: This article discusses the development of a distinctively Māori methodology that centres knowledge and practices that are embedded within whānau. Mātauranga-ā-whānau is a Kaupapa Māori approach that brings a focus upon Māori knowledge that is transmitted intergenerationally. APPROACH: The development of Mātauranga-ā-Whānau as a methodological approach supports both the assertion by Graham Hingangaroa Smith (1997) that Kaupapa Māori must be committed to the validation and legitimation of Māori worldviews and the argument by Leonie Pihama (2001) that there are multiple ways of expressing Māori theories and methodologies. Pihama (2001) highlights that affirming whānau, hapū and iwi ways of being within the broader discussion of Kaupapa Māori is critical. While it is beyond the scope of this article to provide an in-depth discussion of both Kaupapa Māori theory and Mātauranga Māori, it is important to note that both cultural frameworks inform the way in which Mātauranga-ā-Whānau is discussed. CONCLUSIONS: Drawing upon whānau knowledge, experiences and practices, through pūrākau, this article introduces how Māori can approach research applying culturally grounded

Mātauranga-ā-Whānau has been integral to my work as a social work educator and is central to my current doctoral research. It was developed as a methodological approach within my master's thesis (Lipsham, 2016) and is founded upon Kaupapa Māori theory and Mātauranga Māori. It is an approach to research that supports the assertion by Smith (G. H. Smith,1997) that Kaupapa Māori must be committed to the validation and legitimation of Māori worldviews and to the argument by Pihama (2001) that there are multiple ways of expressing Māori theories and methodologies. Pihama (2001) further highlights that affirming whānau, hapū and iwi ways of being within the broader discussion of Kaupapa Māori is critical. Pohatu's (2015) article on Mātauranga-ā-Whānau further supports the affirmation of whānau knowledge within research and his analysis regarding the politics and discourse of decolonising methodologies is crucial when working with Māori.
Mātauranga-ā-Whānau is a distinctively Māori approach which centres knowledge and practices that are embedded within whānau, and focusses upon ways of THEORETICAL RESEARCH

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knowing and being that are transmitted intergenerationally. To explain Mātaurangaā-Whānau, I will discuss briefly the nature of Mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge), Whānau and Kaupapa Māori as it relates to relationships and the transmission of knowledge. This will be followed by a sharing of pūrākau from my own whānau, as a means by which to highlight the mātauranga that stem from each of the pūrākau and which have guided me in the identification of key methodological signposts that form, what I refer to as the Mātauranga-ā-Whānau framework.

Mā tauranga Mā ori
Mātauranga Māori is embodied knowledge, understanding, wisdom and practices that we as Māori use in our everyday lives. The role of ancestral knowledge and practices has been well documented as central to Mātauranga Māori, Kaupapa Māori and Indigenous methodologies (Mead, 2003;Nepe, 1991;H. R. Pohatu, 1995;G. H. Smith, 1997;L. T. Smith, 1999). The centrality of our grandparent generations in the transmission of mātauranga Māori is also critical to the revitalisation and regeneration of our language and cultural ways of being (Pere, 1994;Pohatu, 2015). The application of Mātauranga-ā-Whānau as methodology is grounded upon mātauranga handed down through generations that is being sustained for current and future generations. Learning from people such as "our Nana" is central to this discussion as they often hold and unlock knowledge and practices from generations before her. Her memory is of three generations before her. The teachings from her mother and other kuia and koroua also have their origins three generations before them.
Relationships are important to the transmission of mātauranga Māori (Mead, 2003). Whatarangi Winiata (2020) highlighted that mātauranga Māori is "a body of knowledge that seeks to explain phenomena by drawing upon concepts handed down from one generation of Māori to another" (p. 1). Furthermore, he highlighted the ways in which the process of intergenerational transmission contributes to both the maintenance and growth of mātauranga Māori, stating: Accordingly, mātauranga Māori has no beginning and has no end. It is constantly being enhanced and refined. Each passing generation of Māori make their own contribution to mātauranga Māori. The theory or collection of theories, with associated values and practices, has accumulated mai i te ao Māori/from Māori beginnings and will continue to accumulate providing the whakapapa of mātauranga Māori is not broken. (p. 1).
Hirini Moko Mead (2003) also emphasised the expansiveness of mātauranga Māori and the contribution made to the growth of Māori knowledge by each generation. Mead (2003) noted: The term "mātauranga Māori" encompasses all branches of Māori knowledge, past, present and still developing. It is like a super subject because it includes a whole range of subjects that are familiar in our world today, such as philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, language, history, education and so on. And it will include subjects we have not yet heard about. Mātauranga Māori has no ending: it will continue to grow for generations to come. (pp. 320-321).
Both Whatarangi Winiata and Hirini Mead are highlighting that each generation needs to contribute to the changing nature of mātauranga and it is the upcoming generation's obligation and responsibility to its growth. The considerations to this growth include ensuring it is tika (correct) and that the integrity of the mātauranga is upheld and honoured. Nepe's (1991) earlier work adds to such understandings and further highlights that we have a "systematic organisation of beliefs, experiences, understandings and

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interpretations of the interactions of Māori people upon Māori people, and Māori people upon their world" (p. 4).
What is clear is that, in order to be able to grow mātauranga, we need to make contributions at every level, whether big or small. For example, this can occur through theory, practices, sharing pūrākau and language. My Nana knows this inherently and goes about the business of teaching us and helping us to learn through a Māori lens daily by transmitting important knowledge to us from rongoā to karakia, raising and caring for children, te reo and pōwhiri, dressing and cleaning and thinking and caring. Mātauranga that is transmitted intergenerationally is highly valued and evolving. It also includes all Māori being able to explain their world through experiences within whānau.

Whā nau
Whānau, within this context, refers to a Māori model of extended family that is inclusive of at least 3-4 generations and which stretches across multiple layers of relationships that are grounded within whakapapa (Māori cultural genealogical template). Whānau refers to both extended family and to give birth. As such it is both a concept and practice that affirms intergenerational and intragenerational relationships. For Māori, whānau is a source of knowing-and experiences should be drawn from this source of "potentiated power" for the purpose of fashioning frameworks (Pohatu, 2015, p. 39). Pohatu (2015) stated: When asking the question, "where is the first place that we would go to, to draw experience of mātauranga from?", this small piece proposes that whānau is an obvious 'first place' to turn to. It proposes that for Māori, whā nau is an acknowledged rich source of applied knowing and experience to draw from, where there is a willingness to invite it as a highly valued companion (hoa haere) in kaupapa, no matter what it is, where we are and who we are with. (p. 32).
This highlights that whānau wisdom offers us well-tried ways of working and that this knowing can be invited into spaces as signposts for our research approach. My whānau knowing is invited into the space of research moving it from the margins to assume its position "in guiding us at all levels of our lives … so that deep discussion can be invited, reflected upon, endorsed by cultural thought" (Pohatu, 2015, p. 42). The affirmation of whānau as key to Māori approaches is highlighted by the inclusion of whānau as a key principle within Kaupapa Māori theory and methodology. Kaupapa Māori gave some urgency to revitalising, validating and inviting intergenerational knowledge into the research space in the 1990s, and continues to do so today (Nepe, 1991;G. H. Smith, 1997;L. T. Smith, 1999). To contextualise this, a brief overview of Kaupapa Māori is now provided.

Kaupapa Mā ori theory
Kaupapa Māori is a Māori philosophical foundation that has underpinned the development of the methodological approach discussed in this article. Kaupapa Māori requires Māori researchers to have an awareness of te reo and tikanga, and ground processes and methods upon them (L. T. Smith, 1999). In its broadest sense, Kaupapa Māori refers to Māori knowledge and Māori ways of knowing and doing. G. H. Smith (1997) highlighted that a Kaupapa Māori foundation for theory and research provides a platform for the (i) validation and legitimation of te reo and tikanga Māori; (ii) the prioritisation of the revitalisation of te reo and tikanga; and (iii) the assertion of selfdetermination and autonomy for Māori.
Much of the early work within Kaupapa Māori theory and methodology emerged from a direct challenge by Māori to the mainstream Pākehā education system and the assimilation policies and approaches upon which it is based. Education is a THEORETICAL RESEARCH ORIGINAL ARTICLE particular site of struggle which is controlled and determined through dominant interest groups (G. H. Smith, 1997). The development of colonial schooling and education systems in Aotearoa has been central to the marginalisation of Māori language, culture and knowledge systems (Simon, 1998;Simon & Smith, 2001). A key component of that marginalisation was a deliberate process of individualisation within education to align with wider colonial systems that privileged a nuclear family construct over the collective relationships embedded within Māori societal structures of whānau, hapū and iwi (Pihama & Cameron, 2012).
Most specifically, Kaupapa Māori educational sites such as Te Kōhanga Reo, Kura Kaupapa Māori, Whare Kura and Whare Wānanga have been central to the design and implementation within the education sector as a Māori designed response to the erosion of Māori language, knowledge and culture (Hohepa, 1990;Royal-Tangaere, 1997). Our ancestors had clearly defined spaces and pedagogical approaches to learning and teaching with multiple sites, both formal and informal (Hohepa, 1999;Nepe, 1991;Pere, 1994;Royal-Tangaere, 1997).
Schooling was not the only colonial structure that intentionally contributed to the breakdown of the fabric of Māori society. The breakdown of traditional Māori structures in terms of culture and language through colonisation is described by O'Regan (2006, p. 157) as a context where Māori were "systematically alienated from their homelands and livelihoods." The impact of this on whānau and intergenerational knowledge transmission has been significant and, for many whānau, highly destructive (Durie, 2001). This included the whānau as the initial site of learning within a context that was inclusive of multiple generations and where the grandparent generation was most critical in the transmission of all aspects of mātauranga (Pere, 1994).
To construct a methodological framework within whānau, and to build on knowledge transmission within whānau, the recalling and retelling of pūrākau is a crucial component. Pūrākau, a form of Māori narrative, will be shared to illustrate how knowledge is transmitted and thought, and will show the pathway to the methodological signposts that form the Mātauranga-ā-Whānau framework.

Mā tauranga-ā -Whā nau-Framing the methodology
This methodology informed by Mātaurangaā-Whānau is about understanding experience, ways of knowing and ways of being when working with Māori, in a way that works for Māori. Intergenerational transmission of knowledge through pūrākau is key to Mātauranga-ā-Whānau. Cultural thought and cultural patterns are readily recognisable through pūrākau (a traditional form of storytelling) (Pohatu, 2015). Pūrākau have the "potential to unlock philosophical thought, epistemological constructs, cultural codes, and worldviews that are fundamental to our identity as Māori" (Lee, 2015, p. 98). Within this section, five pūrākau are shared, a short comment on the theory from a Mātauranga-ā-Whānau lens follow, then the key concepts are transferred into methodological signposts from each of the pūrākau. The methodological signposts are briefly expanded further on in the article. These pūrākau have elucidated key principles and practices that have formed the Mātauranga-ā-Whānau framework shown in Figure 1.

Pū rā kau
Nana, my maternal grandmother, is the ultimate philosopher. She was raised among her iwi in Ngāti Maniapoto (King Country, Aotearoa, New Zealand) and has spent most of her adult life living in the Waikato region of Aotearoa, New Zealand. My Nana is a deep thinker and theorist. She navigates various roles as an agreed leader of our whānau and has provided deep learnings for me as a Māori woman. Her first language is te reo Māori, though she is more ORIGINAL ARTICLE THEORETICAL RESEARCH than proficient in English. Given that any methodology should be equally concerned, not only with the access of knowledge and people, but must also be grounded upon the values and principles that underpin how the knowledge and the people should be treated and engaged with, it is my Nana's teachings that inform this for me. Nana does not change the way she moves and engages with the world regardless of whether the context is Māori or non-Māori. The way that she engages in her world is naturally occurring, is logical to her and is guided by her life-long learning within Te Ao Māori. Further, tikanga, which include, in part, the values and principles of manaakitanga, aroha, ngā ture, tapu and whakapono, underpin her engagement. Several pūrākau, or personal narratives within our whānau, are now shared.

Pū rā kau 1-Koha
When I was in Nana's care as a child, I would be allowed to go and stay with my cousins during the holidays. Nana would hand me a $20 note and would say, "give this to Aunty for letting you stay with her, make sure you work while you are there and do what you are asked." This may not seem like much to the untrained eye; however, Nana was teaching me how to treat people in terms of respect, behaviour, reciprocation and being thoughtful of the needs of others. This was not a one-off practice; it happened every time I visited someone else's home. There may have been other underlying factors connected with the money in terms of what Aunty would have needed to take care of me for the week. Twenty dollars was a lot of money in the 1970s, however, this practice was not about the money.

Mātauranga-ā-Whānau:
The practices here are foundational in our whānau and arguably within Te Ao Māori. Specifically, the principles of, āta mahi (to work diligently), āta whakaako (to deliberately instil knowledge and understanding), āta whakaaro (to give time to thought-to be creative and reflective) and āta whakarongo (consciously listening with all the senses) apply in this example. Nana did not carry out these actions or teach me about them because it was 'the right thing to do'-she was engaging tikanga. Tikanga underpins a methodology grounded in Kaupapa Māori theory. Respect, good behaviour, reciprocation and being thoughtful to the needs of others as noted in the pūrākau are koha through a Māori lens and play a crucial part in being able to engage with Māori or Kaupapa Māori. The giving of koha is seen on the Marae, as part of a formal pōwhiri process and it is common today for the koha to be monetary. However, its primary focus is not about recompense, but mutual obligations and strengthening ties (Durie, 2001). It is common for Māori to koha money, food, labour or time to their communities. The practice of koha for Nana does not just belong at the Marae during pōwhiri, or at kaupapa. Tikanga extended into all areas for Nana.

Pū rā kau 2-Raising mokopuna
Nana shared the responsibility of raising her mokopuna. During my early childhood, at a time when both of my parents did not have the capacity to raise us, my eldest brother and I lived with Nana, our middle brother became whangai to my Mum's eldest sister, our sister was adopted to our Mum's cousin at birth and our youngest brother lived with my Mum's youngest sister. Although there came a time when we were returned to our parents during our teenage years, my Nana had already played a significant role in my life, and she still does today at 90 years of age. Nana was raised by different kuia and koroua in her childhood. Sharing the responsibility of raising grandchildren is a normal practice in Te Ao Māori and being in our grandmother's care as children was an enriching and empowering part of our lives.

Mātauranga-ā-Whānau:
A key epistemological belief within this pūrākau is that the whole whānau is involved in THEORETICAL RESEARCH ORIGINAL ARTICLE the raising of a child and this is true also for engaging in research. There will be times when a Māori researcher will not only be involved with the participant of the research but, depending on the research, their whānau, hapū and iwi and other Indigenous knowledges and people. As a Māori researcher, you should expect to learn about the whakapapa of the whānau and my experience has been that whānau want to be engaged in kaupapa. My whānau play a pivotal part in my doctoral journey, from my Nana to my eldest brother, cousins, my son and my niece. Before choosing the topic for my doctoral research I met with my Nana to ask her permission-it was at that point that whānau members became involved. Nana wanted my eldest brother and older cousin involved as they were who she trusted in terms of taking care of and keeping our whakapapa information safe. I chose another cousin to be involved as she is a fluent speaker of te reo and would be able to talk with Nana more effectively. My son and my niece were chosen as first cousins to enable them to learn about research and be part of the intergenerational transmission of knowledge. What I know from my experience of having my whole whānau involved in my upbringing, to now being involved in my doctoral journey, is that whakapapa is a central principle and cannot be underestimated. Nana's decision to include others in this research is underpinned by her wanting everyone to be part of a learning and teaching experience to enable mātauranga to be transmitted.

Pū rā kau 3-Karanga
A karanga is a Māori ceremonial call, or a welcome call, that is carried out in many different contexts which can include the birth of a child and welcoming people onto a Marae or an equivalent event of welcome. My cousins and I asked our Nana about the prospect of learning karanga. She replied by asking us what we thought that meant and that if we wanted to have further discussions on the topic, we would need to set a date that suited all of us, and that the meeting would need to be held at our whenua (our ancestral land) in Benneydale. The meeting held at our whenua, as discussed by Nana, may not include the actual teaching of karanga, but rather, the tikanga of karanga, and that there will be reasons why some will be selected for karanga and others may be appropriate in other roles. As mokopuna, we understood her body language, the tone of her voice and the feelings we had as she talked. We understood these things as a collective, but also as individuals. Interestingly, that initial discussion would start to naturally weed out, if you will, those who were truly interested and those that were not. Although it was not confirmed, Nana's theory of selection was already in play.

Mātauranga-ā-Whānau:
Nana's strategy in the karanga pūrākau was to offer up the place in which Hui (meetings/gatherings) could take place in order that she might see who was interested in karanga. Underpinning the strategy was the idea that the conversations are held at a place that was appropriate and fitting to the context and study of karanga, rather than the carrying out of karanga proper. The questions that were part of the continuing conversations regarding karanga are cultural markers. For example, learning karanga is steeped in tikanga and therefore, if possible, researching at one's Marae, a place of importance to them, or on whenua is important. Learning in wānanga is important. Nana knows this, and her questions were based around this thinking. The questions in the pūrākau lend themselves to analysis, processes, hui, inquiry, conditions, place, space and curiosity. When engaging in research with Māori, the following questions are important: • who is asking?
• why are they asking? • where will conversations take place?
• what will be discussed? • who will take part and why?
• was the discussion relevant and

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THEORETICAL RESEARCH appropriate at that time and place, and • who was it relevant to, appropriate to, who would it benefit?
It is necessary to understand the where, when, why and how questions regarding Māori knowledge. Māori regard some knowledges as tapu, and an example of this follows in the next pūrākau. Also, Māori are protective of information because, in the past, non-Māori have misused research for their own power, control and gain (L. T. Smith, 1999).

Pū rā kau 4-Tapu
Nana considers Māori knowledge to hold aspects of tapu and treads carefully, especially when teaching aspects of Te Ao Māori that are part of tikanga. This is partly why the conversation regarding karanga developed as it did. Nana would consider karanga as a ritual steeped in tapu. I recall a time during my early years in tertiary education-I was completing a National Diploma of Social Work and we were asked to research our whakapapa. I returned to the Waikato to ask Nana, very enthusiastically, who my tūpuna were and what their names were, etc. I had a pen and paper ready to write the information down. She did share information with me, and I wrote everything down. After the conversation, she asked what I'd do with the paper-"paper?", I asked, "yes" she said, "that you wrote our whakapapa on." She was worried that it would be thrown away, ripped up or discarded. To her, the paper represented whakapapa, and therefore people who had passed, and the deep respect that she held for them meant that she worried about their wellness, as well as mine if I did anything wrong with the paper. The paper became tapu through her lens as Māori because tūpuna names were written on it.
Mātauranga-ā-Whānau: This is an example of how mātauranga is transmitted and the multiple layers of learning and teaching. The idea of tapu has evolved over generations and Nana is carrying through her knowing into what we might consider today as a contemporary example. Tapu is explained by Rangimarie Rose Pere (1994, p. 39) as "spiritual restriction, ceremonial restriction, putting something beyond one's power, placing a quality or condition on a person or on an object or place; but whatever the context its contribution is establishing social control and discipline, and protecting people and property." Tapu is a critical concept within the broader understanding and practices of tikanga. Whether it is a contemporary example or not, the consequence of tapu is still relevant and cannot be disregarded as superstition. Tapu is a means of social control and protection but it often occurs and is largely a concern at a whānau level. Tapu is important when thinking about engaging with others, things, knowledge, places or any context within research. "Just because you are Māori, or your topic and/or participants are Māori, doesn't necessarily mean you are conducting or engaging in Kaupapa Māori research" (Rautaki Limited, 2016, n.p.). To engage in Mātauranga-ā-Whānau you must be able to think about the safety of whānau and self through a Māori lens. Tapu acknowledges those things that exist outside of being human as well as very practical considerations, and we need to always be aware of our responsibilities to all things physical and metaphysical. Our role as insiders to research is also important here. We should be reflecting on the concept of tapu to uphold the tino rangatiratanga of whānau and mātauranga in our research, the consequences will not just be on us otherwise, but on the participant whānau, our whānau and wider communities.

Pū rā kau 5-Whā nau Hui
My upbringing was informed by Māori principles, Māori ways of being and Māori

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rationales. These areas were particularly noticeable on the Marae, in the home or at specific events like tangihanga (funerals). Another of these forums was the whānau Hui or family gathering. In my whānau the Hui was a forum specifically used for dealing with any tensions or conflict inherent in the family. There were several uncles who could facilitate the Hui, but they would seek advice and guidance from Nana. Children were privy to the tensions within our Hui but importantly, they were privy also to the way that tensions were managed and the resolutions that resulted. The Hui would start in much the same way every time we met. Firstly, karakia (prayer) by our Nana, then a mihi (informal greeting) regarding the reason we were all there, then each person (including children) would be given the opportunity to speak moving in the direction of the next person to the left. Finally, after everyone in the family had spoken and resolutions obtained, a karakia and mihi to end the Hui would be carried out before proceeding to share in a meal. Inevitably however, the Hui would take a considerable amount of time, sometimes crossing into two days. During the Hui, voices would be raised, comments would be made, crying was inevitable, and emotions ran high. In these moments, my Nana often used cultural skills and techniques to guide the Hui while gently reminding the family about behaviour and engaging respectfully with one another. This is where I first heard Āta phrases. My Nana would stand and, in te reo Māori, discuss the family's ability to āta whakaaroor think clearly and think deliberately. She would use the term āta kōrero-the ability to watch tone, speak with clarity and speak in a manner which conveyed respect. In these moments, the atmosphere calmed and the reflection this prompted was evident (Lipsham, 2012(Lipsham, , 2016.

Mātauranga-ā-Whānau:
Hui can be translated to mean a gathering or meeting. Hui could be explained as qualitative in nature and has some similarities including, studying personal constructs, oral histories and human interaction. However, the inclusion of Hui means ensuring Tikanga Māori (Māori protocols) are within the process of meeting with the participants and qualitative research has not always allowed for a cultural dimension (Tomlins-Jahnke, 1996). Hui include tikanga or protocols such as karakia (acknowledging sources), whanaungatanga (getting to know one another), sharing intention or kaupapa (reason/topic for Hui), addressing the kaupapa in Hui, closing rituals and sharing in food (Bateman & Berryman, 2008;Salmond, 1975). These processes are key to a successful research Hui and if one cannot carry out these processes themselves, then a companion could be asked to contribute their time to make sure that the Hui is carried out with integrity. Hui are important because they carry with them an understanding that, within a Māori context, a high value is placed on manaaki, whakapapa, aroha, ensuring personal mana and protecting the mauri and wairua within relationships (Mead, 2003). When engaging the signpost of Hui in research, the researcher must know the appropriate tikanga associated with Hui. This includes being able to enter, engage and exit the Hui accordingly.

Discussion
The pūrākau presented here illustrate a range of intergenerational teachings and learnings. It is from my lens as a mokopuna, though many of my cousins and siblings may have different interpretations of what has been shared here. What we would all agree on however, is that Nana has been able to transmit knowledge to us all in a way that is positive, caring and nurturing. Nana is a very humble individual, who is very calm by nature. She knows all of her mokopuna intimately, all of their names, their habits and connects to us in terms of our mauri daily. There are many more pūrākau that will be utilised in my doctoral study that may include stories from my siblings and cousins which will further add to the Mātauranga-ā-

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Whānau framework. This section, however, has concentrated on identifying the pūrākau, the theory and the signposts that form the framework.

Mā tauranga-ā -Whā nau framework
From the pūrākau, the Mātauranga-ā-Whānau theory and the identification of methodological signposts, a framework was constructed for my master's research. Since engaging in my doctoral research however, I have added further methodological signposts including Ako, Aro, Mātauranga, Wā and Wāhi. In the following section I will give a brief overview of each of the framework signposts that I have identified in the pūrākau above, which are illustrated in Figure 1.
Signpost 1: Pūrākau: In research, a pūrākau approach unlocks philosophical thought, epistemological constructs, cultural codes, and worldviews that are fundamental to our identity as Māori (Lee, 2015). Pūrākau is a traditional Māori storytelling approach that engages Māori voice, heart, mind and soul. Pūrākau have inherent power with the potential to create transformation for Māori. Māori value knowledge and value the telling of their own pūrākau for the purposes of sharing, transmission, developing, learning and teaching in part. In my doctoral research, pūrākau is the vehicle through which Mātauranga-ā-Whānau is transmitted, engaged and understood.
Signpost 2: Ako: Ako is the pedagogy of learning and teaching in the Māori tradition which includes a range of tikanga. Within research it is acknowledged that both the researcher and the participants are involved in the teaching and learning, it is a reciprocal relationship (Pere, 1994). This includes the consideration of Āta and its varying signposts (Pohatu, 2004). Ako is important to my doctoral research as it also considers the positions of mana, tuakana/teina, equity, power and control.
Signpost 3: Aro: Aro is reflective praxis throughout the research process for all involved. As the researcher, having a critical lens is important. It is important for me to reflect on politics, colonisation, relationships and power at micro, macro and chrono levels when engaging in research that involves Māori. For the participants, there is a need to allow time to think through and connect to the questions. It is important, too, not to restrict time allowing time to ponder, talk with other whānau, hapū, iwi, and sit with the information.
Signpost 4: Tikanga: Tikanga is the fundamental values, protocols and practices that inform us as Māori. Mead (2003) notes that tikanga provides us with the processes by which to do things in a way that is tika, or correct. In the research relationship, from entry and engagement to the exit, one must consider tikanga. Tikanga is a huge subject which means the Māori researcher (or their hoa haere) has to be capable in areas such as te reo, kawa, karakia, manaaki, etc., and to also ensure that the research process is affirming and validating of the cultural relationships, values and practices that are critical to Māori.

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process of coming together as a whānau, being relational and connecting to each other's whakapapa. In this research it relates to building relationships, strengthening ties, building rapport and establishing a connection on a physical and spiritual level. Whanaungatanga means I need to know the community I am working with, my own communities and be connected in some way (or make connections) to the people that I want to engage in research with. It will also mean maintaining those relationships post-research.
Signpost 6: Mātauranga Māori: As discussed briefly above, Mātauranga Māori is a broad body of knowledge that seeks to explain phenomena by drawing upon concepts handed down from one generation of Māori to another. Mātauranga "encompasses all branches of Māori knowledge, past, present and still developing … It is like a super subject" (Mead, 2003, pp. 320-321).
In my research, mātauranga is a hoa haere (constant companion) to thinking about pūrākau and drawing on knowledge from the past and present. In my view, I am not able to view pūrākau through a Māori lens without understanding Mātauranga in the first instance.
Signpost 7: Hui and Wānanga: Both of these processes offer the opportunity, through culturally grounded processes, to gather together to engage with, and transmit mātauranga. These processes include traditional welcomes, tributes, ceremony, respect paid to the living and the dead and to the hosts and food. Both hui and wānanga provide an atmosphere that engages the physical and metaphysical sites of being Māori. Both have survived principally through the activities of the Marae where traditional knowledge is passed down the generations by word of mouth. When utilised within my research, both can be explained as qualitative in nature and have some similarities including studying personal understandings, oral histories and human interaction (Salmond, 1975). As noted above, however, hui and wānanga ensure tikanga Māori is central (Tomlins-Jahnke, 1996).
Signpost 8: Wā, Wāhi: My upbringing and the pūrākau in my whānau have taught me that time and place are very important aspects of life. Wā meaning time, and wāhi, location or place. This signpost considers when and where the research will take place. This can be considered a conversation between the researcher and the whānau; however, wā and wāhi should be considered the choice of those who are participating in the research, unless they would consider it appropriate for the researcher to host them. As the researcher I am considering their aroha, their koha and their mātauranga as a central focus of the research and therefore, where they may want to share information is crucial.
The above signposts, although only briefly introduced, show how I will and have approached research. Inviting pūrākau, teaching and learning, reflective praxis and analysis, ethical practices informed by Māori, building relationships, knowing knowledges, gathering in ways that are appropriate and at times and places that suit the participants are the signposts that will inform my doctoral research. The development of each of the signposts is key at this stage of my doctoral journey.

Concluding refl ections
The use of Kaupapa Māori methodologies within research has been advocated for by Māori for over thirty years. This article has provided an overview of a methodology not only grounded within mātauranga Māori but within whānau specifically. As Pohatu (2015, p. 37) stated, Mā tauranga-ā -Whā nau "is an important site and source where Mā ori have the daily opportunity to use our own images, sources, people, experiences, words and knowing, locating messages, then interpreting them into our contexts." Mātauranga-ā-whānau brings forward the capacity for Māori to support, through