Tawaf – cleansing our souls: A model of supervision for Muslims

social New Zealand, there are culture-specific approaches to supervision. These approaches highlight the differences between supervision involving cultural insiders (M ā ori for M ā ori) and supervision that is multicultural (other diverse cultures). Supervisors with Western backgrounds attempt to provide supervision to ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION: Cultural supervision with Ma¯ori (tangata whenua) in social work has been a focus of practice in Aotearoa New Zealand. New approaches to address the cultural needs of Ma¯ori social workers and those of other cultural backgrounds have been developed. This article portrays a model of cultural supervision for Muslim social workers in Aotearoa. APPROACH: The broader methodological structure of this reflective account is a kaupapa Ma¯ori framework and Rangahau (a Wa¯nanga response to research). Rangahau is the traditional Ma¯ori methodology of inquiry utilising ma¯tauranga Ma¯ori and a¯huatanga Ma¯ori – traditional Ma¯ori bodies of knowledge from the context of a Ma¯ori world view. Critical self-reflection and use of reflective journals are used as methods of the rangahau. FINDINGS: A model of supervision is presented which is tawaf, a ritual of haj – one of the pillars of Islam. Muslims (who follow Islam as a religion) perform haj (pilgrimage) to receive hedayet (spiritual guidance) to cleanse their nafs (soul). In this model, the phases of tawaf have been applied to structure and guide social work supervision sessions designed for Muslim social workers. Some important values of Islam such as tawbah, sabr, shukr, tawakkul, and takwa, have been integrated into the model as every action of Muslims is value-based. The model combines both nafs and a value-based approach in supervision. IMPLICATIONS: Tawaf represents the Islamic worldview and aims to deconstruct and reconstruct supervisees’ practice and assumptions. This will be used in the context of cultural supervision with Muslim social workers by Muslim supervisors.


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THEORETICAL RESEARCH social workers but this has been seen to have detrimental effects on their practice and Wallace (2019) argues that Western practitioners are not expert on the lived cultural whakapapa (genealogy) and traditional knowing of whanau. So Māori practitioners feel detached from their culture in supervision which influences their integrity -who they are as practitioners. Culturally competent supervision is where supervision takes place between people of the same culture (Eketone, 2012). It is essential to find cultural supervisors to fulfill that requirement. The Kaitiakitanga approach of bi-cultural professional supervision programme of Te Wānanga o Aotearoa addresses cultural appropriateness and not only focuses on Māori models of practice but also invites practitioners from other cultures to develop their own models.
In this vein, there is a need for culturally appropriate models of supervision for Muslim social workers in Aotearoa New Zealand. The Muslim population in Aotearoa New Zealand is gradually increasing. According to Census (Stats New Zealand, 2018) the total number of Muslims increased by 24% from 46,149 ( 2013) to 57, 276 (2018). Since the racially motivated Christchurch mass shooting (15 March, 2019) the worldview of Muslims (who follow islamic religion) has received considerable attention in Aotearoa New Zealand. The attack intended to create an atmosphere of fear. This attack constituted a form of trauma and many social and psychological issues to those who experienced it and survived, and affected the whole Muslim community nationwide. In fact it is a double trauma for many in the New Zealand Muslim community who have come to Aotearoa New Zealand to escape war in their own country (Besley & Peters, 2020). After the attack, service providers and social work agencies have come forward to ensure that the Muslim community feels safe and included, not alienated, but none of these will be possible without thorough understanding of religious and spiritual values that are meaningful to Muslims. It is important that social workers understand the worldview of Muslims from the perspective of antioppressive approaches with special emphasis on religion and spirituality.
This article presents a model of supervision, 'tawaf', derived from the Islamic worldview which has been contextualised for Muslim social workers. This offers insights and knowledge for practitioners to understand how Islam is a integral to what it means for Muslims to be human.
In the first section, the article presents my location followed by a literature review. Then it explains the methodology and the model (findings) with a discussion by takepū principle.

My personal subjective location/ position in the paper
My position in this reflective account as a Bangladeshi Muslim teacher of Bachelor of bi-cultural social work (BBSW) programme of Te Wānanga o Aotearoa (TWOA). The BBSW influenced me as a teacher to rethink my attitude towards spirituality. Now I realise that the social work profession revitalised the place of spirituality in its practice, something which was abandoned in the early 20th century when social work was striving to be recognised as a profession (Brenner & Homonoff, 2004

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the rituals, and shifted their mindsets and behaviour. After performing haj, I felt a sense of transformation to bring some changes in my life. This is the context of my article.

Literature review (searching and knowing)
In this review I will highlight some of the Western approaches of supervision and their gaps in understanding power elements of supervision. I will point out key aspects of Māori cultural supervision literature followed by an explanation of kaitiakitanga (Pohatu, 2015) as an approach of supervision. Finally I will highlight studies relevant to my model from an Islamic perspective. Kadushin (1992) emphasized the educational and supportive roles of supervision and introduced 'self' as an active element to bring a balance of perspectives in the strong heiararchy between supervisee and supervisor. In this process social workers have been given space to position themselves by using their personal qualities and values through an active process of self reflection (Pack, 2009). Traditional social work supervision is based on functions including educational, clinical, mangerial and administrative with one social worker at a time within a hierarchical agency context (Hair & O'Donoghue, 2009). In the traditional approach, a staff member within an organisation is given the authority to direct, coordinate and evaluate the performance of a supervisee for whose work he or she is held accountable (Hair & O'Donoghue, 2009). Within the framework, supervisors are encouraged to view themselves as expert knowers. Thus the supervisor becomes the only knowledge source for staff. The paradigm of 'one size fits all' has fashioned this approach of supervision that excludes less-dominant voices in supervision (Beddoe, 2015). According to the functional approach, the truth is determined according to the knowledge that has been developed by Western standards from their worldviews and claimed as experts' knowledge (Smith, 1999). As Beddoe (2015) notes, in the supervision literature is it often assumed that there is one paradigm of supervision.

Western traditional social work supervision
Moreover, self-reflection on practice is a powerful tool to raise supervisor awareness of their own worldviews and how these differ from their supervisees' views. However, the dominant perspectives of traditional managerialism are often said to undermine the element of self reflection to develop their practice by bringing an alternative perspective in supervision (Rankine, 2019). To address these gaps social constructivist (SC) framework emerged (Fook, 2004;Hair & O'Donoghue, 2009;Saleebey, 1997).

Social constructivist approach
The social constructivist approach suggests that ideas, stories and narratives are flexible, relational and co-constructed using multiple truths, viewpoints and different voices. One theory does not fit the needs of all supervisees. Each system has a multiple truths and perspectives (Fook, 1999). In this approach, the supervisor's knowledge is not fixed but tentative; and they are ready to honour and respect the knowledge and knowing of supervisee's perspective. A social constructivist perspective offers a space for critical dialogue by using the concepts of social justice, marginalisation, culture and socio-economic factors.
However, this SC approach also creates power relationship dynamics as there is a tendency by the supervisors to contextualise the meaning of stories within the dominant paradigm of the social work. In other words, sometimes supervisors from different cultural background can influence the interpretation of stories of supervisees' culture by imposing their view points through gender, ethnicity, culture (Fook, 1999). A supervisor from an outsider's

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perspective can create dialogue with supervisee's cultural values and beliefs but critical self-reflection and deconstruction of supervisor's own cultural bias and assumptions is needed to honour the knowing of supervisee (Akhter, 2015). This proponent of SC provides the lens of social justice but the elements -history of tangata whenua, colonisation, ancestor's knowing, indigenous worldviews, spirituality etc. are missing. This is consistent with the viewpoints of the proponents of critical indigenous perspective that argues that reality is created not by nature but by people; and they are powerful people (Kovach, 2006). Here, reality is not a state of order but of conflict, tension, oppression (Potts & Brown, 2006). Beddoe (2015) also supports the view that supervision can be examined from a post-colonial lens which acknowledges the impacts of colonisation.
To bring a balance of perspectives the notion of cultural supervision has been introduced in Aotearoa New Zealand (Elkington, 2014). Cultural supervision, however, is accountable to various codes of professional bodies influenced by western mono-cultural approach and has been provided to those who need competencies to work with Māori. The competencies of cultural supervision were standardised by professional bodies of knowledge, not by Māori cultural knowledge (Elkington, 2014). According to Elkington (2014), "the name, role and definition of cultural supervision became redundant because clarity recognised no difference to the name, role and definition of professional supervision" (p. 66). Webber-Dreadon (2020) also highlights that the concept of cultural supervision is still influenced by colonial thinking. Cultural supervision constructed through a Western lens does not take into account the deeper meaning of the Māori worldview.

Kaupapa Māori approach
To address the issues of colonisation, history, power, monoculturalism, within cultural supervision, the Kaupapa Māori approach developed a framework of practice which is "For Māori, by Māori" (Bishop, 1996). That means Māori supervisors need to supervise Māori social workers (Eketone, 2012). There is a need to find a cultural supervisor to fulfil this requirement. This arena of supervision with Māori models has been very powerful (Elkington, 2014) who describes Kaupapa Māori based supervision, with its utilisation of Māori values, principles and practices, as a proven structure that offers guidance to supervisory relationships. (2004) pointed out that supervision of this type means that the self-identified culture of the social worker is "not something left at the door" (p. 16), but instead creates and shapes the supervision process. In the Māori worldview, the concept "ako" (teaching and learning) is based on the value of tuakana-teina (older brother-younger brother) model (Walsh-Tapiata & Webster, 2004). That is, supervisee can learn from supervisor and vice versa. This is in contrast to the traditional supervisor-supervisee relationship which is often linked to the power dynamics within organisations (Beddoe, 2011).

Walsh-Tapiata and Webster
In a conference paper Ruwhiu (2004) gave a powerful message to practitioners about cultural supervision arguing that cultural supervision provides sustenance while clinical supervision provides information. Cultural supervision provides for me while clinical supervision meets my work expectations. Cultural supervision involves knowing me and therefore knowing my work. Ruwhiu (2004) also highlights the significance of wairuatanga, whakapapa and tikanga -a Māori theoretical and symbolic world of meaning and understanding in supervision. Ruwhiu's (2004) approach is similar to Thomas and Davis' (2005) Taonga Tuku Iho (treasures handed down) that was explained by focusing on the notions that include Māori creation stories, pūrakau, whakapapa, ako and tuakanateina frameworks. Bradley et al. (1999) also argued that Māori cultural values for whānau wellbeing are paramount. Wallace

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(2019) emphasise that supervisees need to be supported by supervisors who meet supervisees' cultural needs. Academically, Māori models of practices are being developed but there are racial barriers (Webber-Dreadon, 2020). To address the barriers both supervisors and supervisees' centre of knowing (Marsden, 2003)

Kaitiakitanga as an approach of supervision
In the Kaitiakitanga: Post Graduate Diploma in Bicultural Professional Supervision programme, the conceptual framework of kaitiakitanga has been applied to position Te Ao Māori worldview as the centre (Te Wānanga o Aotearoa, 2018). Kaitiakitanga represents constant acknowledgement of responsible trusteeship, stewardship and guardianship to any kaupapa, relationships and environments (Pohatu, 2008). Pohatu (2008) explained kaitiaki from five obligations: te tiaki (to take care), te pupuri (to hold), te tohutohu (to correct), te arataki (to guide), te tuku (to transmit) and te tautoko (to support). In his writing, Taina Pohatu positioned strongly as a kaipupuri (holder of knowledge) and acknowledged his obligations to his old people and his kaituku (transmitting) -obligations to his mokopuna (Pohatu, 2015).
A kaitiaki (supervisor) positioning from these timeless angles, facilitates a kaupapa that allows humans to flourish and transmit knowing from generation to generation. It is an individual and collective role to safeguard and protect nga taonga tuku iho (treasures including societal and environmental that have been passed down) for the present and future generations and to protect mauri or intrinsic essence of life (Boulton et al., 2014).
The takepū/principled approach also plays a significant role to structure a framework of supervision (Te Wānanga o Aotearoa, 2018). According to Pohatu (2008), takepū is a signpost that includes Mãori wisdom, culture, applied principles, ethical positions and ways of life to convey ways of humanness to guide Te Ao Māori. The six selected takepū are: ãhurutanga (safe space); te whakakoha rangatiratanga (respectful relationship); kaitiakitanga (responsible trusteeship and guardianship); tino rangatiratanga (absolute integrity); tau kumekume (positive and negative tensions); and mauri ora (wellbeing) (Pohatu, 2008). These takepū guide the supervisors and supervisee to explore their own takepū from their own centre of knowing (Marsden, 2003). This has inspired me to know my takepū from Islamic epistemology as the centre of my knowing and develop my model of practice, tawaf, from an insider's perspective. The focus of the present model is to integrate soul and values/takepū of Islam to maintain and achieve spiritual and holistic wellbeing of supervisees.

Islamic literature on nafs and values
Islamic studies published in the English language have only begun to emerge during the late 1970s. Unfortunately, the majority of current Islamic models are modified to fit existing Western theories or integrated with them (Cader, 2016). There have been studies using Islamic perspectives, but their categorisation comes from Western theories (Ul Haq & Westwood, 2012). Integrating western models into Islamic contexts is challenging because they do not take into account the uniqueness of the Islamic knowledge that is metaphysical. In other words, Islam provides a unique spiritual perspective including the Qur'an (considered as the word of God as transmitted to his Prophet, Muhammad -peace be upon him) and the Sunnah (the acts and sayings of the Prophet, as transmitted through traditions known as hadith) (Cader, 2016;Ul Haq & Westwood, 2012). Specifically, the Islamic

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THEORETICAL RESEARCH spiritual meaning of soul (nafs) and values derived from devinely revealed knowledge of Qur'an is the focus of present article.

Soul (nafs)
According to Cader (2016), it is the hierarchy of the human psyche or nafs that directs needs. He asserted that there are three stages of the nafs: 1) al-nafs al-ammārah (commanding self) is the self what prompts an individual to act to satisfy the overhelming desire of ego; 2) al-nafs al-lawwāmah (reproachful self ) is a consciousness of ego when it becomes aware of what is appropriate and what is not). This is a stage where an individual decides the course of action based on knowledge of the consequences of ethics. Self-reproach is where tawbah (repentance) is crucial to the enhancement of the nafs. It allows an individual to take corrective actions.
3) al-nafs al-muṭma innah (contented self) is a state of serenity and satisfaction. In this stage, an individual acts based on spiritual fulfilment, resulting in satisfaction through commitment to Allah (Cader, 2016).

Values and beliefs
According to Islamic text, each act of nafs should begin with the purpose of creation along with values -taqwā (piety), tawbah (repentance), and taḥrīḍ (arousal). Also there are two major factors that drive nafs (self) with well-grounded beliefs which are īmān (faith) and ṣabr (patience) (Qur'ān, 3:146). In addition to these, taqwā (piety) and tawakkul (reliance on Allah) support the self to become aware of the obligations of creation (Qur'ān, 65:2-3 in Cader, 2016). When these variables increase, the condition of the self turns towards perfection as one relies strongly on Allah by entrusting Him to facilitate the outcome of his or her actions (Alias & Samsudin, 2005). Cader (2016) identified that spirituality/religion is rooted in the meaning-system of motivation. He stated that individuals use spirituality/ religion as a way to find significant meaning for work, foster control in their environments, and reduce uncertainty.
The present article takes into account the gaps of functional model of supervision and centres around the notion of cultural supervision as articulated by the proponents of Kauapa Māori supervision as well as kaitiakitanga (Pohatu, 2008) embraced by the Kaitiakitanga -Post Graduate Diploma in Bicultural Professional Supervision programme of TWOA. The programme invites both Māori and non-Māori practitioners with indigenous cultural background to reclaim their own models of practice as who they are for supervision. This is consistent with the arguments of Elkington (2014).

Approach
The broader methodological frameworks of my model are Kaupapa Māori framework and the Rangahau (TWOA response to research) strategies of Te Wānanga o Aotearoa (Te Wānanga o Aotearoa (2016). I have applied the notion of (k) new knowledge, critical self reflection and journals as methods derived from the strategies of rangahau.

Kaupapa Mā ori
Kaupapa Māori (KM) research has been grounded on the concept of power relation in the research arena (Smith, 1999). According to KM research, Māori should guide and control the process of research (Bishop, 1996). Kaupapa Māori is for Māori by Māori; a position where Māori langaguge, culture and values are accepted in their own right. It is committed to a critical analysis of the existing unequal power relation within research (Smith, 1999). In the BBSW Rangahau and Postgraduate Diploma in Bicultural Professional Supervision programme of TWOA, non-Māori students can position to conduct their research by using the notion of for Māori by Māori. This is consistent with the arguments of Elkington (2014), that the supervision creates space, not only for Māori, but for other cultures. I have contextualised the notion of for Māori by Māori as "for Muslim by Muslim" in the THEORETICAL RESEARCH

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context of my model. So I am in the centre of the model. Broadly, there is no issue of power of non-Muslim bodies of knowledge to define and categorise the concepts of the present model.

Rangahau (TWOA response to research)
According to McDonald (2017), "Rangahau is the traditional Māori process of inquiry, discovery, invention, and innovation, resulting in the development of new knowledge from old knowledge. Rangahau is underpinned by multiple traditional bodies of knowledge, mātauranga Māori, and whakaaro Māori or Māori thinking, located within a Māori worldview, context or setting" (p. 1).
Edwards' notion of (k)new knowledge has been a powerful construct to position rangahau, in the context of TWOA. According to Edwards: [The] (K)new denotes that due to the degree of our colonial infection, the subjugation of a Māori way of knowing and being have had the effect that things we may be constructing as 'new' may actually have already been known by our ancestors and we are simply engaging in the powerful projects of remembering. The idea relates to the notion of cultural memory that provides timeless connection to ancestors. (cited in Hoani & Harris, 2009, p. 48) Critical reflection practice is one of the strategies of rangahu for students to develop their own personal model of practice at TWOA. I have used deconstruction and reconstruction framework of critical reflection (Akhter, 2015;Fook, 2004) and contextualised it within the framework of tawaf. An ongoing deconstruction of my biased assumptions about knowledge, teaching and research was the key to the teaching practice at TWOA. I was surprised to see how Mãori teachers used spiritual sacred knowledge,

Reflective journals
I started to search literature for social work from Islamic pespective when I realised that my worldview was not in the centre of my social work practice. I went to perform haj in 2009, did tawaf many times and deeply observed others. I have been critically reflecting on the promises that I made and how I am bringing a shift in my personal and professional practice (Akhter, 2015). I have kept reflective journals and notes of my own journey as well as others who are in the same path of cleansing. One of the changes that I was able to embrace was to wear hejab (head scarf) which identifies me as a Muslim woman.

The origin
The concepts utilised in the model have been derived from Qur'an, the Book of Allah, which was revealed to Prophet Muhammad (pbu) for humankind more than 1400 years ago. The knowledge is divinely revealed which is called 'Wahy' (unseen). The knowledge was revealed to Prophet Muhammad (pbu) mainly through the most honourable Angel Jibraeel (AS).
There are three concepts in the model. 1) tawaf (circumambulation-the process of cleansing soul). 2) nafs, the soul which takes ORIGINAL ARTICLE THEORETICAL RESEARCH positive influences from tawaf. 3) akhlak, a value-based concept which is positively related to the processes of cleansing soul (tawaf) and, in turn, influences the wellbeing of nafs (Abdullah, 2015).

Tawaf
Tawaf, as a ritual, evolved from one of the pillars of Islam which is haj (pilgrimage to Mecca). The story is that Allah sent the Angel Gibrael to show prophet Adam (pbu) how to perform tawaf and Adam (pbu) transmitted the knowledge to mankind. Since then the practice has been handed from generation to generation.
It is a process to critique Muslims' own actions and to deconstruct them (Thompson, 2008). It is a chance to rethink and evaluate their past (Alias, 2005). Muslims walk around the Kaaba during their pilgrimage seven times. This journey around the Kaaba in a counter-clockwise direction is known as a tawaf. The tawaf (seven circles around the Kaaba) makes Muslims to be focused, to awaken and to deconstruct. In tawaf, Muslims must come out from the comfortable zones, focus with one area (inner, spiritual wellbeing), evaluate the past mistakes, make wishes and centre around one orientation which is Allah (Figure 2).
The rituals -wearing white ihram (unstiched costume for men), shaving off the hair, wearing hijab for women, etc. are generally uncomfortable but they guide the Muslims towards a pathway of moving from a comfort zone to a zone of challenges, growth/improvement (Figure 3). Seven circles aim to intensify the practice so that it becomes a habit.

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The tawaf has motions, that is moving and shifting, which are the symbols of success (Radan, 2009). Anticlockwise strategies of moving around the Kaaba are to keep the heart facing towards it so that the heart gets close to Allah's blessings. Above all, the seven sky analogy can be applied in the movement of seven circles. Each step represents a phase, first phase represents first sky and so on. Our Allah (creator) sits on the top of the seventh sky. By being able to complete seven circles, along with other rituals, it is perceived that Muslims feel that they get closer to Allah, hence the heart gets cleansed (Questions on Islam © 2003-2018).

Nafs
Muslims perform tawaf to attain the highest state of nafs, that is mutma innah (ethical self (soul). The pilgrims go counterclockwise around the Kaaba three times quickly, followed by four more revolutions at a more relaxed pace. So it is recommended to do the first three circuits at a hurried pace, followed by four rounds at a more leisurely pace (Radan, 2009). It is believed that, as they walk at a hurried pace in the first three circuits, the Nafs starts to be awakened and become powerful which is the state of al-nafs al-lawwamah (re-approaching self). Our prophet (pbu) wanted Muslims to feel powerful by moving faster around the Kaaba (Questions on Islam © 2003-2018).
The last four circuits, closer to the Kaaba, are done at a calm and relaxed pace (Radan, 2009;Questions on Islam © 2003-2018. I believe, in this process, Muslims feel a sense of serenity, contentment and tranquility that take the nafs to the state of al-mutma innah (ethical self, peaceful self) which does the right thing by nature. Moral values of Islam play an important role to shift the state of nafs from ammarah (dormant ) to nafs al-lawwamah (reapproachable) and nafs almutma innah (ethical self).

Akhlak (Moral value-based behaviour)
The tawaf combines spirituality with physical action and reminds us that it is not only beliefs we maintain within our hearts during the tawaf, but values we apply through our actions. To capture the significance of values some principles were chosen for the model of supervision which are: tawbah (repentance), bala (tensions), ikhlas (sincerity), sabr (patience), shukr (gratitude), taqwa (piety), niat (intention), amal (good practice), takdeer (predestination), etc. The principle of tawbah (critical self reflection-deconstructingreconstructing of self) is one of the most important principles of tawaf. In the process of tawbah, a person identifies the weaknesses of his or her own self, promises  Move from comfortable zone to an uncomfortable zone (wearing only two pieces of clothes)

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to unlearn or deconstruct those practices and reconstruct them (Fook, 2004). The difference between Fook's (2004) critical reflection and tawbah is that Fook's concepts are driven by reflecting on ideologies of power whereas the critical reflection in tawbah is driven by God's consciousness and spiritual values and practice. Other principles are: Ikhlas: Muslim must believe in unseen truths with sincerity, honesty and genuineness. Hence the value safeguards the principle of integrity.
Taqwa: God consciousness is a means by which Muslims become nearer to the Creator. This could lead to attaining high ethical and moral values of supervisees.
Takdir: Muslims must believe in destiny. The notion of takdir is whatever occurred to us could not have missed us and what missed us could never have reached us. If social workers are strong in believing this moral value, they are able to cope with the pain of tensions. Muslims believe that Allah will not give you any tension that is not beyond your capacity to control. This is consistent with the framework of strength-based approaches and individuals' hopes, possibilites, etc., of social work supervision (Saleebey, 1997).
Tadbir: Muslims should not rely on luck only, they must use their fullest capacity by working hard on the basis of one's endeavour and capacity. This effort orientation has been identified as one of the best indicators of achievement in educational Psychology (Hamilton & Akhter, 2002).
Tawakkul: Rely on Allah by trusting Him to facilitate the outcome of our actions.
Tawfic: Believing in individuals' ability to recognise their full capacity makes their job more meaningful and purposeful.
Sabr: Ability to endure pain and difficulty without any complaint and frustrations.
Shukr: Thanks to Allah. Whatever benefits a Muslim receives from a person, he or she should take it as a blessing bestowed on him/her from Allah.
Bala: It is an ever-present state in human life which is similar to the conceptualisation of taukumekume (Pohatu, 2008).

Application
In a supervision session, a supervisor can engage with social workers by prayer and introduction by asking how they are and what they are doing as Muslims about their deen (Islamic practice). This gives an indication of the state of their nafs. As per the model of tawaf, supervisors need to guide them to focus on an issue from an orientation or a framework of their Islamic worldview.
In the first phase of a supervision session, both supervisor and social workers explore challenges which may reside within the inner soul of the social workers that they are not aware of. For example, if a social worker's values and beliefs are centred around the principles of competition, high assertiveness, etc., then supervisors apply the first phase of tawaf, that is the motion of walking with a speed that means they must be engaging to explore challenges and the areas that need improvement in their practice. When they enter the first phase, they need to be awakened, moved and starting to step into a new uncomfortable zone of challenges. That means supervisors have to engage in a critical dialogue on how to start deconstructing the value of competition as social work is based on the values of koha (contribution), sacrifice, voluntary work and philanthrophy as well. In social work, heartfelt service alongside professionalism is needed, not only a competitive attitude. At this point supervisors apply the principle of tawbah (repentance) which has three steps: 1) say a heartfelt sorry (with a realisation) to Allah and people affected; 2) promise to himself/herself not to make the same mistakes again; and 3) reconstruct the assumptions or beliefs by setting up new goals with sincere intention (niot) for performing them.

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As they deconstruct, they enter into the next phase of tawaf which is based on the motion slower than the first three circuits. In this phase the principles of sabr (patience), shukr (gratitude), towakkul (trust), takwa (piety), and takdeer (predestination) can be discussed. It is beleived that if Muslims are able to apply these principles to guide their attitude and actions they please Allah and feel calm and fulfiled. In the kaitiaki session, it is assumed that the social workers will feel that they are applying their deen (Islamic way of life) to reduce their tensions which brings their soul, deen and profession closer. If Muslims follow these principles and keep deconstructing their soul consistently, it is believed that they receive hedayet (spiritual guidance) which is the ultimate purpose of being Muslims. The practice of the values creates hope in human as hope is strongly connected to the belief system and human soul. Hope is an element that exits in the nature of human soul. When a person is devoted to the purpose of existence he or she is connected with hope (Sema, 2018). This strength allows social workers to stand and emancipate themselves to deconstruct the practice with enjoyment. So the second phase is more peaceful.

Discussion
The aim of the article is to offer a model inclusive of the values of Islam and the rituals of tawaf, which has positive influence on the wellbeing of the nafs or soul of Muslim social workers. The following discussion indicates how the values of Islam and components of nafs can be conceived as bi-cultural, aligning them with both Māori takepū and the ethical principles of social work (Table 1).
These principles sit in parallel columns with Māori takepū and non-Māori principles. For example: shukur (gratitude) has a link with Te Whakakoha Rangatiratanga (respectful relationships). The actions of shukr facilitate a spiritual and heartfelt connection between the receiver and giver and a sense of belonging in engaging with each other. The feeling of thankfulness offers a space for openness, willingness to sacrifice and acknowledgement of how responsible one feels for others. Hence, it enhances Te Whakakoha Rangatiratanga (Akhter, 2016

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to restrain ego from complaining against the tension, believe in predestination /divine decree, pray and reflect with devotion and wait for realisation and insights to come. In particular continuous reflection and attempt to change actions with a hope is the key of practising sabr. This creates āhurutanga for strengthening tawbah (deconstructionreconstruction, resilience) to deal with tensions.
Similar to the takepū taukumekume, bala recognises the ever-present nature of tension in any kaupapa and relationship, positive or negative and offers insight and interpretation (Akhter, 2016;Pohatu, 2008).

Implications
The Islamic value-based model is rare in the literature of supervision. The tawaf model is a one that can be used for cultural supervision for Muslim social workers. The model offers a parallel column of Islamic bodies of knowledge alongside Māori and other bodies of knowledge such as strength-based models (Saleebey,1997) and psychology (Cader, 2016). The model combines soul and value-based actions in supervision.
The model has some limitations. It can be used only in the context of cultural supervision with Muslim social workers by Muslim supervisors who believe in Islamic faith and practice. Also the model is gender sensitive. As understanding of one's own beliefs, values and worldview is central to operate the model, it cannot be applied to those who do not practise Islam. The model cannot be used directly in the context of non-Muslim supervision. It is worth noting that the general approach of self-reflection of social work practice is at the centre of the model. So, any other indigenous, spiritual and religious practitioners can contextualise the knowledge of the model within their values and beliefs. The model has potential to increase and reinforce the awareness and interest amongst practitioners in creating more spiritual models for the advancement of spiritual knowledge in social work. Mainstream supervisors should be familiar with the basic beliefs, values, everyday rituals and the stigma attached to the presentation styles of Muslims. So, it is important that non-Muslim supervisors invite Muslim leaders from Mosques or communities to understand the unseen sacred Quranic meaning of all components of the model.

Conclusion
Overall, the literature review has indicated that the supervision has been evolving from a functional one-size fits-all approach to a multiple cultural truths based approach. The functional approach was based on power relations, and hence oppressive. To address the issue of power, the social constructivist lens has emerged; however, within its narratives, the power of the dominant worldview still exists. So cultural truths do not have a safe space to stand. Therefore, it is argued that kaupapa Māori theory, along with the kaitiakitanga paradigm with the focus of a centre of knowing, creation stories, spirituality, takepū would be more appropriate for Māori and other cultural supervision. The present model, tawaf, represents the islamic worldview and aims to deconstruct and reconstruct supervisees' practice and assumptions. Islamic values were connected with tawaf and takepū principled approach. The model will be used to supervise Muslim social workers. The model reminds Muslim social workers about their kaitiaki responsibilities to take care of their nafs as well as of their people.